The nearly five hundred years of Ottoman rule left deep marks upon the cultural and religious
landscape of the Albanian people, with the Islamization of the majority of the population being the
most noticeable. Yet it is widely accepted that this transition from both Catholic and Orthodox
Christianity to Islam did not begin in the wake of the Ottoman conquests of the 14th and 15th
centuries, but rather it was a lengthy process, at first remarkably enervated, that only gathered
momentum in the late 17th and early 18th centuries.
      Within this process of religious transition it is essential to be cognizant of the presence of the
Islamic mystic orders, the Sufis, and their activities throughout the Balkans. Looking at the centuries-
long record of Sufi activity in Albanian lands we notice that the Bektashis and the Halvetis were by far
the most widespread and influential of many orders, followed by (in size) the Rifa'is, Kadiris, Sa'dis,
Ticanis, Melamis, Gülşenis, Mevlevis, Celvetis, Sinanis, and, almost certainly, Nakşibendis. Amid these
numerous mystic communities, the Bektashis hold a distinctive position taking into account its
conspicuously non-Sunni character which sets it apart from all other Sufi orders. And even though the
Bektashi Order has been amid the Albanian people from the early 16th century, it only grew to be
markedly influential toward the end of the nineteenth.

Bektashi Thought & Practice
       We cannot actually speak of a Bektashi “order” as a structured organization with a uniform set of
doctrines and rituals until, at the very earliest, the end of the 15th century, more than two centuries
after the death of Haji Bektash Veli. When this structuring did occur, it resulted in the formation of a
distinctive Sufi brotherhood: one maintaining a form of institutionalized celibacy (mücerredlik), a
defined hierarchy, and markedly Shi'īte propensities.
      The individual responsible for laying down the existing structure of the Bektashi Order was Balım
Sultan (d. 1516 CE), a man commonly referred to as Pîr-i Sânî or “Second Founder”. It was he who
gave Bektashism its form that we know today. From his day the order has been directed by a
dedebaba, a “great-grandfather,” a man appointed to his position by a council of twelve dedes
(literally “grandfathers”, the highest grade in the Bektashi spiritual hierarchy). Underneath the dedes
are the babas, men who are charged with running the tekkes, or lodges, in addition to being spiritual
guides. Below them in rank are the dervishes, followed by mühibs and aşıks. Although it was
acceptable for members of the order to be married (though dedes were absolutely forbidden this), the
majority of Bektashis dervishes and babas during the Ottoman period were celibate, as were those
living in post-Ottoman Albanian lands. This celibacy was perceived as being done in imitation of the
patron saint, Haji Bektash Veli, who never married.
      Bektashism has often been perceived by outsiders as being profoundly unorthodox and syncretic
in nature. While this may be an understandable conclusion, it fails to grasp the wider picture of the
nature of spirituality. Sufis have always made use of numerous religious and social undercurrents to
expound mystical realities, more so Bektashis. The most notable of these undercurrents were 1) the
thoughts of Fazlullah Astarabadi (d. 1394 CE), founder of the Hurufi movement; 2) the eccentric piety
of the wandering Qalandar dervishes; and 3) the organizational structure the renowned artisan guilds
of the Akhis. By the late 16th century passionate Shicīte beliefs, bolstered by Safavid propaganda,
became widespread throughout Anatolia. These popular sentiments were fully employed by Bektashis
in order to express their unyielding attachment to the Ehl-i Beyt, the Prophet’s family, an attachment
that had a perceptible place in Haji Bektash Veli’s teachings. Such ideological utilization was not limited
exclusively to the early phases of Bektashism for in the late 19th century liberalism, anti-clericalism
and, more significantly, Albanian and Turkish nationalism were utilized by many (though not all)
Bektashis as vehicles with which the challenges brought on by the rapid social and political changes of
the times could be met, albeit with all with a spiritual reworking.
      Since the time of Balım Sultan in the 16th century, the essence of Bektashi thought can be best
summed up as follows: ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, occupies a
predominant position in their spirituality; ‘Ali is seen as the mirror image of the Divine; he is the
revealer of the ‘esoteric’ Qur’an, while the Prophet is seen as the vehicle by which the ‘exoteric’ Qur’
an became manifest to humanity. Even as ‘Ali personifies the esoteric (bâtin) and Muhammad the
exoteric (zâhir),  in reality Bektashis make no distinction between these two figures and they are
customarily referred to simply as “Muhammad-‘Ali”, with no disconnection of the names made. Hakk
(Reality, i.e. God)-Muhammad-‘Ali form a unified reality expressing a single truth (hakikat). This
formula of Hakk-Muhammad-‘Ali should not be confused with the Christian concept of the Trinity, as
has so often been done by those outside of the order. Rather, this compounded perception of certainty
(yakın) demonstrates the Bektashi acceptance of vahdet-i vucüd (lit. “Unity of being”), a philosophy of
existence advanced by the great medieval mystic Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 1240 CE), who is held in great
esteem by members of the order.
      Many have continually portrayed Bektashi doctrine as being pantheist, given the order’s
wholehearted acceptance of vahdet-i vucüd. This is an observation that is not altogether accurate.
Bektashi attitudes in this regard can be more correctly defined as being panentheist, a belief that
maintains that while everything in existence is an emanation of God (part of God Himself), the Divine
is far greater in His Reality than His creation; everything is God, but God is not everything. God is
visible in creation and, more importantly, His mark is perceptible on the face of each and every human
being. Despite orthodox objections to such notions, it is a belief that can be supported with numerous
Qur’anic verses as well as Prophetic sayings (hadîth).
      Outside of devotion to Imam ‘Ali, other Shicīte inspirations within Bektashi doctrine are the
veneration of the twelve Shicīte Imams, as well as the “fourteen innocent ones” (Masûm-i Pâk), the
martyred children of these holy figures. There is also adoration of the Onyedi Kemerbestigân, the
seventeen loyal companions of ‘Ali, all of whom were girded with the esoteric knowledge of Reality.
Reverence for the Twelve Imams takes on many symbolic forms in Bektashism. The tâc (ritual
headgear) of dervishes, babas and dedes is called the Husaynî Tâc in remembrance of Imam Husayn.
Embellishing this Husaynî Tâc are twelve gores (terks), each representing one of the Imams. Bektashi
babas and dervishes wear around their necks a teslîm-i tâş, a stone carved with twelve flutes, likewise
representing the Holy Twelve. Bektashis also openly claim to adhere to the mezheb (legal school) of
the sixth Shicīte imam, Jacfar as-Sâdiq, despite their seemingly non-emphasis of outward ritual and
legalism. As one Bektashi poet wrote:

Tâ ezel bezminden ikrâr eyliyen, şi’îleriz.
Bunda ol ikrârı tekrâr eyliyen, şi’îleriz.

Since the gathering of Eternity, we are Shi'ah.
Here, making this confession yet again, we are Shi'ah.

Bektashis, together with other Sufis, display a marked reverence for the “Friends of God” (evliyas i.e.
saints). Central to the belief in the power of these pious individuals is the notion that the entire
material and spiritual universe is sustained by a hierarchy of saints, the head of which is known as the
kutb (axis).  Beneath this kutb is an array of saints grouped according to their spiritual rank, most
notable being the “Forty” (kırklar). Haji Bektash Veli is recognized as the founder of the order and his
central role in Bektashi devotion is unquestionable. Holy figures, including Balım Sultan, as well as
those saints who played roles in the expansion of the order, like Sarı Saltık, Sersem Ali Dede, Abdal
Musa and Kaygusuz Sultan, are all regularly included in Bektashi litanies. One manifestation of the
veneration of evliyas has been the construction and visitation of türbes (mausoleums). Most Bektashi
tekkes found throughout Anatolia and the Balkans have (or had) türbes attached to them that
contained the graves of famous babas and dervishes. These places continue to be sights of regular
pilgrimage for Bektashis, non-Bektashis and even non-Muslims. Türbes are recognized as
powerhouses of both spiritual and worldly blessings, as well as conduits for barakah, grace.
      As with other Sufi orders the need for a mürşid, a spiritual guide, is central to Bektashi belief.
Accompanied by a mürşid, a neophyte is able to carefully journey to the state of Insan-i Kamil,
“Perfect Human”. Along the way, four symbolic portals are crossed: the first is şeri’at (exoteric law),
followed by tarikat (the spiritual path), ma’rifet (gnosis) and finally hakikat (the state of reality).
As briefly mentioned above, the Bektashi order is hierarchical in character. In this hierarchy, aşıks
form the lowest grade. They are those uninitiated sympathizers, who may, at sometime in the future,
become candidates for admittance. Once an aşık receives initiation, he or she is raised to the next level
of membership, which is the rank of mühib and is now allowed to participate in some of the guarded
ceremonies held within the tekke’s meydan, a hall reserved for the performance of the ayın-i cem.  
The mühib is put into a probationary period during which service to the tekke is carried out. This
period can last several years or it can be very short. Following this period, if the baba of the tekke
determines the mühib spiritually fit, a ceremony can be performed that will raise him or her to the
rank of dervish. At that point, the newly elevated dervish must decide whether to undertake a life of
celibacy (mücerredlik) or marry (mütehillik). Needless to say those choosing celibacy gain a much
more esteemed place in eyes of the community in recognition of their commitment and sacrifice.
During the ceremony accompanying the mücerredlik vows, the right ear of the dervish is pierced and
from then on they wear an earring called a mengüş as a reminder of their vow. During the Ottoman
period the mücerredlik ritual could only take place within the tekke of Haji Bektash, the tekke of Seyid
Ali Sultan in Dimetoka (Greece) or in the tekke of Karbala (Iraq). At the end of the 19th century the
Şahkulu Tekke in the suburbs of Istanbul was added to this list. Since 1925, when all Sufi tekkes in
Turkey were closed, the ceremony has been held at the seat of the World Bektashi Community in
Tirana, Albania.
      Beyond the level of dervish are the babas, the spiritual guides of the tekkes, the dedes, men who
have the authority to nominate a worthy dervish to the rank of baba, and finally, the dedebaba, the
designated head of the entire Bektashi Order. All of these men don their symbolic dress, whose
foremost components are the tâc, the hırka, which is a white ankle-length gown, and the kemer, a
broad woolen girdle. They also wear a teslim-i taş, and a haideriyye, a sleeveless vest, usually made of
green cloth.
      One distinctive characteristic that Bektashis have gained over the centuries is a reputation for
non-observance of the rituals of normative Islam, such as the five daily prayers and fasting, as well a
legendary antipathy for Sunni clergymen (hocas).  It is, nevertheless, a glaring oversimplification to
state that Bektashis hold no reverence for the şeri’at, Islamic law. The şeri’at is given due respect by
Bektashis as being one of the four thresholds that must be crossed to enter Reality. Yet as far as the
implementation of the şeri’at in daily life it must be understood that in Bektashi doctrine all exoteric
ritual is given a deeper esoteric interpretation, and thus ritual takes on a more subtle significance, far
more consequential than simple physical exercise. Therefore Bektashis, by and large, do not frequent
mosques and do not necessarily pray in the same manner as Sunnis. In addition to the fast of
Ramazan (which is, once again, not universally carried out) they observe a more rigorous fast during
the first ten days of the Islamic month of Muharram in remembrance of the martyrdom of Imam
Husayn.
      The most important Bektashi ritual of devotion, called the niyâz, occurs during the ayın-i cem
ceremony and it is comprised of a prostration in front of the mürşid, the spiritual guide. The
theological basis behind the niyâz can be found in those verses of the Qur’an which deal with the
creation of Adam, the first man. The ayın-i cem (which means “congregational ceremony”) is also seen
as a reenactment of the “banquet of the forty” which took place in the unseen world (ga’ib) during the
Prophet Muhammad’s heavenly ascent (mi’râc). The ayın-i cem typically takes place on Thursday
night (which is Friday by Islamic reckoning), and only those who have been initiated into the order
may be in attendance. There are also other, less restricted, gatherings called muhabets, during which
a baba explains doctrines and gives spiritual upliftment, customarily by means of nefes, Bektashi
poetry that is often put to song.
      Among the principal celebrations of Bektashis are the Matem and the Sultan Nevruz. The word
matem literally means “bereavement”, and it is a period of fasting and abstinence during the first ten
days of the month of Muharram carried out in commemoration of the martyrdom Imam Husayn. The
faithful meet every night in the tekke during the Matem to read accounts of the passion of Imam
Husayn (customarily the epic Hadîkat-i Su’adâ by the 16th century poet Fuzuli) and to recite litanies.
Despite the somber mood of the Matem, there are no displays of bodily mortification in Bektashi
tekkes as observed in mainstream Shicī circles. The Matem period is ended on the tenth day with the
ceremony of Aşure, during which a sweet pudding (also called aşure), containing cereals and various
fruits, is prepared and served. As for the Sultan Nevruz, a day which corresponds to the spring
equinox, it is a much more cheerful celebration. It is a day observed by Bektashis as the birthday of
‘Ali. On the occasion of the Sultan Nevruz lambs are sacrificed and large ceremonial feasts are held.

The Bektashi Order in Albania
       According to legendary accounts the first Bektashi tekkes in Albania appeared as early as the 15th
century. But in reality, the much-celebrated Bektashi presence is a more recent phenomenon, existing
only since the early 19th century. Many have been of the opinion that the spread of Bektashism in
Albania at this time was given impetus by the famed Ali Pasha of Janina (d. 1822), although his actual
connection to the order has now come under scrutiny, given that contemporary documents showing
he favored the Halveti and the Sa'di tarikats over Bektashis have now been discovered.  A more direct
motive for the spread of Bektashism can rather be found in the decree issued by Sultan Mahmud II in
1826 CE that abolished, throughout the empire, the much celebrated Janissary Corps as well as the
Bektashi Order, owing to the close interconnection between the two. The official reason given by the
state for this prohibition was heresy and moral deviance, but in reality it was purely a political move,
as both the Janissaries and the Bektashis were hotbeds of conservative opposition to the sultan’s
reformist programs. Despite the fact that a handful Bektashi tekkes in Albania were demolished in
compliance with this decree, several babas from elsewhere in the Balkans found refuge in the
sympathetic lands of the southern part of the country. A number of Bektashi tekkes were also spared
closure by feigning to belong to other Sufi orders, particularly the orthodox Nakşibendis. This was the
case with the Asim Baba Tekke of Gjirokastër and the Harabati Baba Tekke in Tetova. For at least
two decades Bektashis could not display themselves openly in the Ottoman State.
      Once the prohibition of the order was relaxed in the 1850s and 1860s there was an explosion in
the spread of Bektashism throughout Albania, particularly in the Tosk-speaking regions of the south.
The reasons for this rapid growth might not have been solely due to the religious appeal of
Bektashism. While the common folk may have found spiritual comfort in the tenets of the babas and
dervishes, the begs (members of the conservative regional aristocracy) were remarkably supportive
of this officially censured order since it was a means by which defiance to Istanbul could be
demonstrated. Bitterness towards the Ottoman government had grown considerably in southern
Albania following the execution in 1830 of some 500 begs and their retainers who refused to comply
with the Sultan’s modernization plans. In the aftermath of the Decree of 1826 Bektashi Islam stood in
opposition to state-sanctioned Sunni Islam (whose titular head was the Sultan), and adherence to the
later was a means of slighting the Porte’s authority.  
      The late 19th century proved tumultuous for the Albanian people.  In the wake of the Russo-
Turkish War of 1877-78 large-scale ethnic cleansing programs were carried out against Albanian-
populated regions in the upper Morava valley and throughout Kosova. The Congress of Berlin (1878)
threatened to detach large chunks of Albanian-populated areas from the Ottoman State and hand
them over to Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece. Albanians began to realize that the Ottoman Empire was
weakening and thus unable to safeguard their security. If Albania was to be spared invasion and
occupation by hostile forces, they would have to save themselves. This was the catalyst for the rise of
Albanian nationalism and activists hoped that by aiding the patriotic feelings of their people, they
could rally the homeland into resisting subjugation and establishing an independent state
encompassing all Albanian people. This state of affairs did not go unnoticed by Bektashi babas and
dervishes. Incorporating patriotic ideals into their teachings, they played an exceptional role in the
birth (riljinda) of Albanian nationalism. Bektashi tekkes became part of a network of unauthorized
schools where children could be taught in Albanian, something which was forbidden by the Ottoman
State and by the Greek-dominated Orthodox Church.  One of the most famous nationalist writers of
the period, Naim Frashëri, hailed from a Bektashi family, as did many others.
      On the eve of the dissolution of the Ottoman State, the Bektashi Order was, perhaps, the
predominant organization in southern Albania, surpassing in influence both the Orthodox Church and
the Sunni Muftiate.  Many non-Bektashi Albanians came to see Bektashis as patriots par excellence
given that they did not attend to the interests of any external power. The Orthodox Church in Albania
was at that time dominated by Greeks; the Catholic Church was, obviously, subservient to Rome and,
by extension, Italian expansion in the Balkans; and most Sunni clergymen encouraged loyalty to the
Sultan and saw upholding the political status quo as a religious duty. For Bektashis, the interests of the
homeland were paramount, plain and simple.

From Independence to the Second World War
       Albania’s declaration of independence on the 28th of November, 1912 did nothing to bring about
political stability. As Serb, Montenegrin and Greek armies quickly occupied most of Albania’s
territory, the self-determination of the Albanian people remained an illusion. Countless towns and
villages were decimated as invaders sought to clear the land of its indigenous inhabitants in order to
justify territorial ambitions. Albanian religious and cultural institutions were particularly targeted, and
the Bektashi community suffered tremendously. In the mayhem of the Greek occupation of southern
Albania from 1913 to 1922, nearly 80% of Bektashi tekkes were destroyed and scores of babas and
dervishes either killed or scattered.
      But the devastation of war brought renewed hope to the faithful as the Bektashi Order was
honored by the nation for its patriotic endeavors. In 1920 the fledgling Albanian government officially
acknowledged the Bektashi Islamic community as being distinct from the larger Sunni one. During the
Ottoman period all Muslims lived under the authority of the Sunni clergy, and all Sufi Orders were
expected to comply with this reality. But the Lushnjë Constitution appointed four regents who would
each represent one of the four religious denominations of the country: Orthodox, Catholic, Sunni and
Bektashi. The reasons for this recognition can be found both in the demographic realities of the day
(those affiliated with the Bektashi Order formed roughly 15% of the total population, while Sunnis
were 55%) and an in acknowledgment for the role Bektashis played in the formation of the nation.
One of the first moves carried out by Albanian Bektashis in the wake of independence was the
reorganization of the order. In 1921 a large gathering of babas was held in Tirana to prepare the first
statutes of a nationwide community. A second congress took place a few years later in Gjirokastër in
the summer of 1924 where moves for further structuring and expansion were discussed. Near the end
of 1929 Albanian Bektashis agreed on a solid administrative configuration in which the nation was
divided into six zones (dedeliks), each headed by a dede (or gjysh in Albanian). The dedebaba
(kryegjysh) was chosen to be the highest authority of the Bektashi community of Albania, although at
that time he still resided in Turkey.
      A break with Turkish Bektashism quickly came thereafter, but it was a break that was brought
about by the political realities of the newly secularized Turkey rather than interethnic contention. In
fact many of the leading Bektashi babas in Turkey were of Albanian origin. In November of 1925
Atatürk’s republican government ordered all dervish tekkes closed and Sufism was effectively
outlawed, making contact between Albanian and Turkish Bektashis impractical. The then dedebaba,
Salih Nijazi Dede, was compelled by this prohibition to leave the Tekke of Haji Bektash (the Pirevi)
and in 1930 he moved to Albania.  In Tirana he was reinstalled as dedebaba over an order that now
had functioning tekkes not only throughout Albania, but in Macedonia, Kosova, Greece and Egypt as
well.
      In the 1930s Bektashism in Albania entered its golden age. New tekkes were established and
smaller centers (dervişhânes) were built, primarily in the lands south of the Shkumbi River. A
seminary was established in Tirana to train and educate dervishes and candidate babas in a
methodological manner. Many tekkes possessed substantial properties (vakıfs) and these provided
income for activities.
      In general most Bektashis were ardent nationalists and supported King Zog I.  Yet when the
Italians occupied the country 1939, the order’s establishment did not respond uniformly.  The murder
of Salih Nijazi Dede at the end of 1941 was widely blamed on the Italians, although the occupational
government denied any complicity.  During the Second World War a few babas sided with the
communist resistance (most notably Baba Faja Martaneshi) and fought with the partisans. The hard-
line Marxist leader of Albania, Enver Hoxha, came from a family that had Bektashi connections. Yet
most Bektashi babas and dervishes opposed the communist partisans and many even took an active
roll in this opposition by joining the nationalist anti-communist Balli Kombëtar militia, as did the
venerable Baba Rexheb (d. 1995).

The Long Night of Communism (1945 to 1990)
               The communist takeover of Albania at the end of the Second World War had an extremely
detrimental effect on religion in the country.  The new government quickly sought to impose its will
over the four national faiths and in both 1945 and 1950 Bektashi congresses were held to bring the
community’s statutes in line with the state’s Stalinist policies.  Throughout the 1950s and 1960s the
communist regime slowly deprived Bektashis (and all other faiths) of their religious rights as it sought
to gradually eradicate religion altogether. Many babas and dervishes who refused to bend to the
communists’ mandates were executed or sent to hard labor camps. The agrarian reforms
implemented by the “people’s” state caused the expropriation of much of the community’s vakıf
properties, rendering the order economically unviable. In March of 1947 a clash opened up between
those babas who saw collaboration with the communists as positive and those who sought to stay true
to time-honored ideals. The then head of the community, Abas Hilmi Dedebaba, shot to death two pro-
communist babas, Faja Martaneshi and Fejzo Dervishi, in a meeting, after which (as communist
authorities alleged) he committed suicide.
              The enforced social revolution of 1967 was the last stage in the communist regime’s draconian
war against religion.  In that year religion in Albania was categorically outlawed and any open
expression of pious sentiment became a criminal offence.  All religious structures were closed down.
Bektashi tekkes were no exception, and they were either demolished or put to other use, as was the
seat of the dedebaba in Tirana when it was converted into an old folks’ home. Other surviving tekkes,
which frequently stood on mountains or hills, were transformed into army barracks or factories.
              Notwithstanding the rigorous monitoring of religious sentiment by the communist
government over the next two decades, Albanian Bektashis continued to preserve their sacred
traditions. Time and again they met in private homes, and secretly visited the now closed türbes,
lighting candles in their windows during the dead of night.
              Communist attempts to eradicate religion caused serious damage to the spirit of the Albanian
people. During these trying decades the light of Haji Bektashi was upheld by those few remaining
Bektashi establishments that existed outside of Red Albania. After the death of Abas Hilmi Dede, the
Albanian Bektashi community in the diaspora met at the Kaygusuz Tekke in Cairo and selected its
baba, the revered Ahmed Sirri Dede (who was originally from southern Albania) to assume the rank of
dedebaba in a move intended to counter the communist-approved dedebaba, Ahmet Myftar Dede.  
Regrettably the pro-Soviet Egyptian revolution of 1952 closed the Kaygusuz Tekke, ending any
effective counteraction to Enver Hoxha’s stranglehold over Bektashism.  Two years later in 1954 Baba
Rexheb opened The First Albanian-American Bektashian Monastery in Taylor, Michigan, a suburb of
Detroit.  Together with a tekke in Kosova that was under the direction of Baba Kazim Bakalli (d.1983),
the American tekke, with its community of ardent believers, was one of the few remaining centers of
the Bektashi Order in the world.

The renewal of Bektashism after 1990
               With the collapse of the communist regime in 1990, religious freedom was restored to
Albania.  Not unlike other faith communities, the Bektashi Order was forced to reconstruct itself
virtually from scratch. Two decades of imposed atheism meant that tekkes had to be reclaimed and
renovated, türbes restored, a new generation of babas and dervishes instructed in doctrine and ritual
and, more importantly, the spirituality of the Albanian people revived.  For Bektashis this initially
proved more difficult to carry out than it did for the other three Albanian religions. Catholics could
rely on the financial power of Rome, the Orthodox from a well-established global church and Sunnis
from the help of Arab countries and even Turkey. Bektashis, however, had no foreign benefactors.
The slow return of confiscated vakıf properties brought some financial relief and the donations of
individuals, especially those in the diaspora community in America, Australia, Turkey, Macedonia and
Kosovo, aided considerably.
              Since the mid-1990s the situation for the Bektashi community has progressed considerably.
The number of tekkes renovated and reopened throughout the country (especially in the south)
continues to grow yearly. The main problem continues, nonetheless, to be the recruitment of
individuals willing to take up the life of a dervish and head these tekkes. In 1991 there were four
babas and two dervishes, all of whom were advanced in age. As of this writing there are now some
twenty babas, including those in Kosova and Macedonia. A number of these babas are quite young,
providing expectations for an optimistic future.
              In 1993 it was announced that the Bektashi community of Albania had selected Baba Reshat
Bardhi (b.1936) to be the new dedebaba. The country was again divided into six dedeliks: Krujë,
Elbasan, Berat, Korçë, Gjirokastër, and Vlorë. To the number were added the Bektashi tekkes of
Gjakovë (Kosova), Tetova (Macedonia) and Detroit (USA).  New statutes were worked out as well an
organizational structure. A bi-monthly magazine, Urtësija (Wisdom) has been in circulation
nationwide, providing readers with spiritual as well as cultural knowledge.  
              It appears that the Bektashi order of dervishes has once again regained its place in the
religious landscape of Albania. Their unique vision of Islam as message of love, tolerance,
broadmindedness and optimism continues to win the hearts and minds of Albanians and non-
Albanians alike.


Bektashism
and Its
Presence in
Albanian
Lands

by Huseyin Abiva